History and Culture Essay

as well long the country has been deprived of its national pride and independence. By 1911-1912, the foreigners were everywhere. The outper stock way was to use them as sponsors for our changes, and let them c all me a authoritarian corrupt and brutal surrounding himself as soon as he could with some of the close to despicable Chinese agents of the old regime favoured by foreign financiers in the lust for money and reason and the means of extravagance and debauchery. This year, the things are really disastrous. chinawares foreign debt reaches 900 million taels. The dynasty has gone bankrupt undertaking dear(predicate) reforms of the governmental administration, military and teachingal system. The new regime followed the West in the enchantment with democratic elements of constitution, representative assemblies, separation of governmental powers, and governmental parties. On my side, I was more interested to pacify gentry and to centralize country power having been dissolve d after foreign intrusions and imperialistic affairs.For me as President, in that locationfore, the earlier task is to obtain the loan from the Four Group Powers in redact to keep a conceptive and obedient military resource to present the right type of government. My fame played to the benefit of the task. I do call how Dr. Morrison, the then governmental adviser to the Chinese Government, was trading with Mr. Crisp, the head of the true of C. B. Crisp & Co, rough the loan to pay for our administration urgencys this year, in 1912. We needed it badly in order not to depend so greatly on the Four Power Group, not to speak about Russia and Japan with their greed in regard to concessions.Then, the last persuasion for the operose nut Crisp to lend us ? 10,000,000 was delivered by Morrison in the course about my dictatorial position being the benefit of China. I am afraid, though, that we will confine to owe the Four Group Allies ? 500,000,000, at the rate of ? 100,000,000 a year, not to for work over about Japan and Russia nerve-racking to cut the fattest pieces of our cake in terms of territory, commerce and politics. Now I shall speak about my plans for the future. I really want to establish a no-squeeze constitution. I believe that the modern Chinese state and nation should be centralised.The first step to do is to preserve the capital, thus, the centre of administrative authority, in Peking for the whole period of my office of President. Second, as I have never been a republican, I think about establishing a divide of a military dictatorship. I was often called the strong man, a reputed reactionary, and arbitrary, bossy and self-indulgent by my contemporaries, and, no doubt, I will be labeled like this by later researchers. My political opponents from the Kuomintang went plain further referencing to me as nothing more than the fat bewhiskered general.But even they can not deny that it was I who could build a strong army and placating fighting camps. That is why, in my opinion, there is no need to let those wordy democrats to spend time, effort and money on elections and the qualifications of voters. let me stay the strong dispenser of law and order identifying the course of state policy by myself. Consequently, I plan to get rid of those tries to establish customary sovereignty in the form of political parties and representative assemblies. I look out them reorganising Sun Yat-sens Revolutionary Alliance into the Guomindang, or Nationalist Party, to occult National Assembly after its election in December, 1912. I cut that the trifle show with democratic elections for National/provincial/county assemblies could jeopardise the prove of centralised power I am planning to introduce. Later on, I will force the National Assembly to elect me as prexy for a long term, better for five years. Then, I will kicking the Guomindang from the parliament because they are likely to assume too much political weight.The best solutio n will be also to dissolve all the assemblies that resemble a boiling pot, so risky and messy they are. Finally, I will do my best to consolidate all the state power in the hands of one person, and that person would be I. The best form to centralise power is monarchy, how ever discredited it has become. How about the British or Japanese constitutional model of the Emperor co-existing with the parliament? Lately, the title of wondrous Constitutional Emperor has occurred to my mind as the best definition of the political system I want to achieve.Reanimating Confucianism as a state religion, there would be a chance to resurrect also the ideology of monarchism and to get back to traditional values, seeing also to the better economic and education opportunities to provide the nation with wealth and development.BibliographyBowman, John S. , ed. Columbia Chronologies of Asian tarradiddle and Culture. New York Columbia University Press, 2000. Cantlie, James, and C. Sheridan Jones. Sun Yat Sen and the Awakening of China. New York Fleming H. Revell, 1912. Croly, Herbert.Willard Straight. New York The Macmillan Company, 1924. einsteiniumman, Lloyd E. The whitethorn Fourth Movement as a Historical Turning establish Ecological Exhaustion, Militarization, and Other Causes of Chinas Modern Crisis. In Perspectives on Modern China Four Anniversaries, edited by Thomas P. Bernstein et al. Armonk, NY An East Gate Book, 1991, 123-138. Hyndman, H. M. The Awakening of Asia. New York Boni and Liveright, 1919. Leang-Li, TAng. China in fight off How a Civilization Became a Nation. London N. Douglas, 1927.